Amadeo Bordiga Party and Class. First Published: “Partito e classe”, Rassegna Comunista, no 2, April 15, ; Source. A article by Amadeo Bordiga on the role which Germany played in the two world wars and which the author expected it to play in a future communist. Amadeo Bordiga was an Italian Marxist, a contributor to Communist theory, the founder of the Communist Party of Italy, a leader of the Communist Internat.
|Published (Last):||22 September 2018|
|PDF File Size:||10.25 Mb|
|ePub File Size:||10.12 Mb|
|Price:||Free* [*Free Regsitration Required]|
They have no content any longer, only the democratic phraseology subsists and this cannot hide the fact that at the moment of social crises, the State dictatorship is the ultimate resource or capitalism, and that the proletarian revolutionary violence must be directed against this State. The development of capitalism from its origin up to now zmadeo confirmed and confirms the Marxist theorems laid out in the fundamental texts of the proletarian party.
Since that day and into the post-fascist period, I have always harboured constant horror for the total bprdiga of that situation. The results of tactics applied by the communist International between and were negative, bodriga did not stop the latter from advocating more and more opportunistic methods between the IIIrd and Vth International Congresses and the Enlarged Executive Committee in The principal activity today is the re-establishment of the theory of Marxist communism.
Party and Class
Such is the programme which the Communist Party sets itself and which is characteristic of it. And what were the reasons for your expulsion? Why was this decision not enacted? That is why the Party accords maximum attention to the young people and makes the greatest possible effort to recruit young militants and to prepare them for political activity, without any personal ambition or personality cult. Thus, we made sure that even the remotest centres would receive the official order to strike, by mobilising our party and union network and throwing our full support behind the movement.
In that short article, I noted that its avowed pragmatism revealed a gradualist tendency that would no doubt lead to concessions to a new kind of reformism, and even right-wing opportunism. What would your taking this role have meant, and what would its consequences have been for the Communist Party of Italy?
It was ineluctable that the gigantic opportunism which had gained the borviga movement would lead to the liquidation of all revolutionary instances. In the Communist International, not only are no alliances concluded with other parties for parliamentary power, not only is it denied that power may botdiga assumed by legal means, even if in an “intransigent” way [Here is referred to the “intransigence” displayed by bordiba Italian Socialist Party that only consisted in refusing a parliamentary support to bourgeois governments, but which did not explicitly exclude the possibility of a legal and gradual ascent to power.
In this way the directive of the Comintern lines became more and more eclectical and conciliatory with respect to world capitalism. We steadfastly maintained that the real enemy and foremost danger was not Fascism, much less Mussolini the man, but rather the anti-fascism that Fascism — with all of its crimes and infamies — would have created.
This convergence was the result of our shared opinion on the historical course of the parties of the Second Socialist International, which came to harbour — as we used to say — two souls: All disobedience towards the central organ of the amafeo was judged as a counter-revolutionary act warranting, besides expulsion, punitive sanctions.
Doctrine of the Body Possessed by the Devil 3. This position, after the former which reduced the class struggle to a so- called struggle between socialist and capitalist States, is their final insult to revolutionary Marxism. Hence, States and parties which admit or even assume hypothetically peaceful coexistence and competition between States instead of propagandising the absolute incompatibility among the classes and armed struggle for the emancipation of the proletariat, are capitalist States and counter-revolutionary parties, and their phraseology only masks their non-proletarian character.
In the course of the first half of the twentieth century the capitalist social system has been developing, in the economic field, by creating monopolistic trusts among the employers, and by trying to control and to manage production and exchanges according to control plans with State management of whole sectors of production.
The Bordigists, as they became known, with their theory of the party and their opposition to any form of frontismheld that program was everything and a gate-receipt notion of numbers was nothing. There was only one exception, an imposing one: That was the true and fateful moment in which to rebuild the proletarian and socialist movement, restoring the true doctrinarian foundations of its programme and strategy.
In the only true revolutionary conception, the direction smadeo class action is delegated to the party. The Party bases its action on anti- revisionist positions. With the second method, though, we make use of quite different criteria in order to distinguish that protagonist of historical tragedy, the class, and in order to define its characteristics, its actions and its objectives, which become concretised into obviously uniform features among a multitude of changing facts; meanwhile the amadwo photographer of statistics only records these as a cold series of lifeless data.
Amadeo Bordiga Average rating: From a historical viewpoint, it seems certain that — had the delegates at the Florence conference decided to go to a vote — they would have undoubtedly supported the bold thesis of torpedoing in any bordiba possible the war policy of the capitalist state.
The text of those speeches of mine can be found in the proceedings of the world congresses, and will certainly be borrdiga by our current in the future. The prospect of a great election campaign and the foreseeable triumph of the only party that had truly opposed the bloody and disastrous war of was rejected in bordiiga speech as a diversion from the tension that was growing among the Italian masses due to their immense blood sacrifice on the battlefield and the dire economic crisis at the aftermath of the war.
There vordiga a significant convergence between Gramsci and me in the period that led to the creation of the Communist Faction within the old Italian Socialist Party, and after the split in Livorno and the amxdeo of the Communist Party of Italy.
Foremost among those theses was the conquest of political power not through the bourgeois democratic structures, but through the advent of the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat and of its Marxist class party.
It is only within the class party that we can find these two characteristics condensed and concretised. Surprise attacks from bold minorities were substituted for political party struggle under the pretension that the political course could be determined and the general strike imposed on the D-day. Or do you reject it outright?
In Februarythe proletarian party struggled with the others against Tsarism, but in the phase which immediately followed, it was forced to fight not only against the bourgeois liberal party but also against the proletarian opportunist ones, which had openly gone over to the enemy, and it triumphed over all of them.
Please help improve this article by adding citations to reliable sources.
What were its aims? Subscribe Renew Donate November 9—16 to support progressive literary culture for another year — and for the chance to win magnificent prizes!
Amadeo Bordiga Archive
What was the outcome of your proposal? The differences for reasons of strategy and tactics which led our current to break away from the IIIrd International cannot be discussed without reference to the different historical phases of the proletarian movement. I also covered this topic during the plenary assembly, advancing the most drastic and radical solutions against the wishes of the other Italians and of the right.
The communist International defined them as employers’ offensives with a tendency to lower the standard of living of the working classes economically, and politically as initiatives aiming at the suppression of democratic liberalism, which it presented, in a turn of phrase doubtful to Marxists, as being a favourable milieu for a proletarian offensive, whereas communism has always considered it as the worst possible atmosphere of revolutionary corruption on the political level.